Sachar Report:  Where Does the Muslim Community Go from Here?

          No other report was awaited so eagerly; no other report has been discussed so widely by the Muslim Community.  No other report had excited so much expectation.  On the factual side, there is nothing new in the Sachar Report.  Nearly all the facts compiled and analyzed so painstakingly & scientifically by the Sachar Committee were known. But, no other report, certainly not its predecessor, the Gopal Singh Panel Report, has been found so disappointing in its recommendations. 

No doubt, the Report honestly reflects its self-perception of neglect and deprivation, its consciousness of educational and socio-economic backwardness, which meant that with every passing year it simply lagged more and more behind the national caravan which was ever moving forward.  All these 50 years, the Muslim community has been crying over its fate, cursing its leadership, blaming the Government, the political parties, the press and the intolerant Hindu, sometimes trying to stand up, stagger and catch up with the caravan but giving it up, fatigued & unequal to face the obstacles, inherent in the system and the environment.

          The Congress Manifesto 2004 and the UPA’s Common Minimum Programme raised their spirits.  The Prime Minister’s public commitment to the welfare of the minorities and his repeated assurances generated hope.  Having voted UPA to power and supportive of its basic ideology of Democracy, Secularism and Social Justice, they expected a real change.  They found the Government sympathetic and understanding but they developed a perception over three years that changes were not taking place as fast as they expected.  But the Government’s credibility, sympathy and sincerity were never in doubt.

          Over the years many things could have been done by the Government of the day for the deprived Community within the existing framework, without any amendment to the Constitution, without passing any new laws because the Community never asked for any special treatment or any exclusive concessions or favours.  Perhaps the successive Governments were unable to manage the hostile forces, which never want anything to be done for the Muslims.  They even left nationally agreed programmes unimplemented because they lacked political will and determination to take on anti-secular forces. 

The UPA Government, worried about facing charges of appeasement, thought of first establishing the fact of Muslim backwardness beyond any doubt and placing them on the public record and then to spell out its position on providing reasonable political, economic and social space for the besieged and deprived Community.  So the Government established the Sachar Committee and its Report more than adequately fulfills this purpose.  But, the Report, which perhaps few have studied in depth, is long on diagnosis and short on remedies!  What is worse, it reads more like an academic thesis and is not very amenable to concretization.  For some reason, it does not have a summary of its conclusions and suggestions or a clear cut list of its recommendations as normally such reports do. 

Chapter after chapter, it surveys the Muslim scene from different angles and all its analyses converge towards the basic conclusion that the Muslim community as a whole constitutes a Backward Class within the meaning of Article 15(4) of the Constitution, almost as backward as the SC/ST. The Committee apparently then loses its nerves and fails to make the obvious, the logical and the reasonable and recommendation that the Muslim community be recognized as a Backward Class and included in the OBC List, the list of Backward Classes other than the SC/ST and, given the historic circumstances, treated as a distinct category and provided, no more no less, the same provisions and the same measures as for the OBCs, before or under Mandal dispensation. 

Having deviated from the straight path, the Committee then finds itself in academic thickets then loses itself in theoretical generalities, wastes energy on marginal questions,  deals with red herrings and makes impracticable suggestions, some related to minor and improbable aspects, and becomes oblivious of the main purpose of proposing measures which should make a difference to the educational, economic and political and social status of the Community in the foreseeable future, make an impact on its mind and strengthen the political will of a sympathetic Government to battle against the anti-secular forces.

          The Community is now beginning to feel that it has been provided with yet another report to shout about, yet another toy to play with.  It may shout itself hoarse asking the Government to ‘implement the Sachar Report’ and yet nothing will happen because nothing can happen, unless and until workable demands are distilled from the Report and crystallized.

          Since its coming to power the UPA Government has taken several symbolic steps;  its leadership has reiterated its commitment to secular values; and reassured the Muslim community of providing it due participation in the affairs of the nation; it has revived the National Integration Council; it has presented to the Parliament a draft bill on control of communal violence;  It has established the Ministry of Minority Affairs; it has revised the Prime Minister’s 15-point Programme for the Welfare of the Minorities.  Under its direction, the Planning Commission set up a Working Group on Minorities in preparation for the Plan XI.  It has re-activated the National Commission for Minorities.  Even the Minorities Cell of the Congress Part has been reconstituted.  Some universal programmes for Rural Employment, Rural Health, not to speak of the on-going Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan have been launched with vigour, which, because of their universal scope, raise the hopes of all the marginalized and deprived.  And yet despite all the inputs the Budget for the year 2007-08 offers little for the Community.  Indeed, it mirrors the overall insensitivity, even hostility & has thrown cold water on all their hopes.

          Three months after the Report was submitted, the Muslim community stands at the cross-roads surrounded by the cacophony of the market place, without any firm offer of what it expected, a Minorities Package based on the Sachar Report and on suggestions from the media, the academe, the planners, the political parties and voluntary organizations. The Government, in a word, appears to be hesitant lest any step it takes generates another storm, an unmanageable Hindu backlash.  Any Government particularly in a plural society with scarce economy has its political limitations.  But a Government which is forever lost in keeping the plus and minus account or engaged in a zero-sum  game, to which communalism has reduced our political system, and postpones hard decision bidding for time, is bound eventually to lose credit on both sides.

In the meantime, the Community has held many seminars, symposia, workshops, meetings and conferences at various levels all over the country.  It has been doing its home work but so far it has also failed to produce a concrete Charter of Demands which would be reasonable, practicable,  just equitable and fair, which do not clash with the Constitution or demand fresh legislation, which do not even ask for anything special but only for what has been done or is being done for the SC/ST in the last 50 years.

          The Community has failed because it is divided.  Not ideology but clash of personal and organizational ego divides them.  Muslim organizations are simply busy constructing their own little masjids, anxious to win credit if something positive does happen. This struggle for credit must cease.  Muslim non-political and voluntary organizations, educational, economic and social NGOs must sit down, finalise a set of minimum demands, and pressure the Government, peacefully and democratically, help it win support from the entire political spectrum.  Muslim organizations of national eminence at least must rise above sectarian and personal considerations, take joint initiative and mobilize support of the Community and its well-wishers all over the country. 

The Charter should be realistic and focus on basic & immediate dimensions of backwardness - Deficits in Education, Employment and Participation.  Some ideas for the Charter are as follows:-

I.                   Recognition of Backwardness

       1.       Declaration of Musilm community as a Backward Class under Article 15 (4) of the Constitution on the basis of the factual data collected by the Committee. Enlargement of the list of Muslims OBC’s through reconciliation of the discrepancy between the Central and State Lists of Muslim sub communities included therein and inclusion of other eligible Muslim sub communities.

       2.       Creation of a separate sub-quota for Muslim Community within the OBC quota, which should cover higher education, public employment, bank credit, if necessary, by breaking through the 50% barrier. Muslim sub quota should be proportional to their share in national/state population.

       3.       Institution of decennial Development Census based on universal and easily accessible parameters and establishment of National Institute for monitoring, analysis and retrieval of the collected data.

II.                 Political & Administrative Measures

       4.       Due representation of Muslims in Union and State legislatures & PRI’s, by appropriate demarcation, rotation of reservation for SC/ST, dereservation of Muslim concentration constituencies and other devises such as double-member constituencies.

       5.       Nomination of qualified Muslims against discretionary appointments in the higher judiciary, Public Service Commissions, Universities, management of public  sector undertakings, including banks and insurance companies, official boards, authorities, corporations and statutory bodies.

III.              Promotion of Education

       6.       Strict implementation of Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan and opening of ITI’s in all deprived areas, in accordance with the national norms. *Restoration of the Three Language Formula to provide for mother tongue as medium of primary instruction and as a compulsory subject. *Estalishment of vocational schools & Iit’s for non-Matric drop-outs.  Economic compensation for BPL families.

       7.       Parity of Muslims with SC/ST in granting of merit or means scholarships at all levels and in construction of hostels. *Provision of exclusive high schools and hostels for girls.

       8.       Encouragement and facilitation of establishment of professional colleges and private universities by the Muslims under Article 30 of the Constitution.

IV.              Employment & Economic Uplift

9.          Reservation in public employment at all levels in all cadres for Muslims in proportion to their population in the zone of selection.

       10.       Distribution of benefit of all development and welfare schemes at the operational level to all OBC’s in proportion to their population.

       11.       Composite posting of civil and police personnel at the level of districts, blocks and thanas of Muslim concentration.

12.          Concessional flow of bank credit, upto say Rs. 100,000 for the self-employed, self-help groups and small entrepreneurs among Muslims and other deprived groups, in proportion to their population in the bank’s jurisdiction.

       13.       Allocation of due shares of municipal and urban development resources to Muslim mohallas and wards. Expedition regularization of Muslim colonies. Rehabilitation of those displaced in slum clearance operation or in communal violence.

       14.       Completion of survey of Waqf properties. *Grant of public premises status to public Waqfs. Exemption of Waqfs from rent control and land ceiling laws. Establishment of National Waqf Development Corporation & statutory provision for utilization of surplus income from wakf for education & economic development.

V.                Social Dignity

       15.       Protection of honour and dignity of the Muslim community against denigration, demonisation and vilification through statutory curbs on incendiary and provocative speeches and statements, and through hate legislation.

Muslim Indians find it surprising that they have such an obvious case and yet they fail to penetrate the walls of the citadel of power & get a hearing.  Perhaps they do not realize that one knock never does and repeated knocks are wanted.  Doors shall open when they learn the methods & mechanics of democracy and wage an unceasing battle, with those who are and unreconciled to the very existence of Muslims in the country as an identifiable group and to realize that those who oppose them can mobilize not only brain-trusts, analysts and spin doctors but exploit latent anti-Muslim sentiments to thwart their thrust.  They must also guard against the tendency of those in power to avoid taking risks, to maintain the status quo, to quell the ‘rebellion’ to silence the protest with some sops, a little concession and, if necessary, even by sowing divisions and imputing motives.

The Community has been for 60 years playing the game of delegations and memoranda.  But when this necessary ritual has been performed the Muslim masses have to be taken into confidence and prepared for a long peaceful struggle, within the rule of law and told that demanding one’s rights is not asking for charity and nothing can be gained without  struggle, which entails patience & sacrifice. Unfortunately, Muslim organizations, which command mass support, are not prepared to form a united front, pool their resources and give battle at every level, educate public opinion through meetings in towns and district headquarters, state capitals and finally the national capital.

Personally my view is that in the final analysis, reservation is the issue, the master key to political, economic and social empowerment of a backward community.  The only power the Community has in a constitutional democracy is Freedom of Expression and Right to Vote.   A day may come when the Muslims tear off old labels, forget old associations and join hands, and their leaders dissociate themselves from old friends and associates and give a joint call to the Community to boycott elections if the Government does not listen, or, at least not to vote for any political party, anywhere, at any election, from Panchayat to Parliament, unless it publicly commits itself to reservation for the Community as a Backward Class.

If this too fails to move the polity, the only option left for the Community will be its total withdrawal from and universal boycott of electoral process, followed by Civil Disobedience and Non-cooperation, with only one slogan “No Reservation No Vote”.  

 Syed Shahabuddin